Steelworkers on strike at Rotek Inc. in Aurora

Jan 18, 2013 | Posted by: roboblogger | Full story: Recordpub.com

About 120 members of United Steelworkers Local 8565 employed at Rotek Inc. went on strike Friday, January 18, according to a company spokesperson.

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#3033
Jul 18, 2013
 

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your real truth wrote:
Hey your truth... How's the Democratic led Obamacare working out for the Unions? A little tip for them next time, read it for yourselves and don't believe what you hear from Obama and his cronies. HAAAAHAAAAAAAAAAA
“Because of the Affordable Care Act, insurance companies have to spend at least 80% of every dollar that you pay in premiums on your health care; not on overhead, not on profits, but on you,” the president said during an event Thursday in the White House East Room.

The president highlighted a provision in the law called the medical loss ratio policy that forces health care providers to refund money to consumers like Chicago resident Dan Hart, a father of two who got a check in the mail for $136.

“As any parent will tell you, those kids, they suck up a lot of money,” the president joked.“So he used his rebate to pay some bills.”

According to the White House, 8.5 million people got an average of a $100 in rebates last year.

The president chided House Republicans for trying to repeal the health care law nearly 40 times even though there are other big issues on the table, like immigration reform, to address.

“We’re refighting these old battles," he said. "Sometimes I just try to figure out why. Maybe they think it’s good politics.”

But Republicans argue the problem is bad math.

“The picture that the president paints of his health care law looks nothing like the reality facing struggling American families,” House Speaker John Boehner said in a statement.

Boehner and other Republicans have come to refer to Obamacare as a “train wreck.”

Obama acknowledged the persistent political hurdles.

“I recognize that there are still a lot of folks - in this town, at least - who are rooting for this law to fail,” the president said,“If the folks who have been trying to make political hay out of this thing, if they had some better ideas, I've already told them I'm happy to hear them. But I haven't heard any so far.”

"Hey your real truth"

Tell them to send me your health care refund check! LOL

I'm for anyone, who helps the working class and all middle class Americans.

I said at the beginning, the complainers are idiots, and someday when they understand it they will be glad this was done.
your real truth

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#3034
Jul 19, 2013
 

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So you are calling unions idiots? ok, that I like!
Because last time I looked, they were the ones complaining to Obama about the ACA !

The first one to call Obamacare a train wreck was Max Baucus, a Democrat, who actually helped write it!

If you want to call yourself, your truth, why don't you start posting some of those articles that are critical of this administration that are coming from Democrats and Unions, instead of the same old Democratic talking point BS.

I can't wait for the rebate check, it might get me a half a tank of gas... LOL

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#3035
Jul 19, 2013
 

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your real truth wrote:
So you are calling unions idiots? ok, that I like!
Because last time I looked, they were the ones complaining to Obama about the ACA !
The first one to call Obamacare a train wreck was Max Baucus, a Democrat, who actually helped write it!
If you want to call yourself, your truth, why don't you start posting some of those articles that are critical of this administration that are coming from Democrats and Unions, instead of the same old Democratic talking point BS.
I can't wait for the rebate check, it might get me a half a tank of gas... LOL
LMFAO
your real truth

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#3036
Jul 19, 2013
 

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your truth wrote:
<quoted text>LMFAO
Brilliant response from your typical Liberal. Like I said...your truth = Dem mouthpiece....period.

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#3037
Jul 19, 2013
 

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Ohio GOP weighs 'Right to Work' legislation

May 1, 2013

Democrats, unions say bill will affect

organized labor

COLUMBUS -- Republican lawmakers in the Ohio House plan to introduce legislation that would ban mandatory union membership and dues payments, over strenuous objections from Statehouse Democrats and labor groups.

State Rep. Kristina Roegner (R-Hudson) confirmed Tuesday that she would offer one of two Right to Work bills, with hers focused on workers in the private sector. Rep. Ron Maag, a Republican from southwestern Ohio, will carry separate legislation for public employees.

Democratic and union leaders oppose the effort, saying it would hurt organized labor and, ultimately, all working Ohioans.

The bills propose law changes rather than a constitutional amendment to be placed before voters. Tea Party groups continue to circulate their own petitions with hopes of accomplishing the latter, but leaders of the effort said they may not gain enough signatures to qualify for the November ballot.

"Clearly the extremists in the Republican Party didn't get the message when Ohioans overwhelmingly rejected these attacks on workers' rights in 2011," House Minority Leader Armond Budish said, referring to voters' rejection of Senate Bill 5. "We stand ready to fight these attacks on Ohio's middle class again."

Becky Williams, president of the Service Employees International Union District 1199, stated, "I am just appalled by the efforts of Reps. Maag and Roegner to once again attempt to silence the voice of workers across the state of Ohio, this time in both the public and private sector."

... This is just another attempt by CEOs and corporate interests to end unions, as we know them so they can tip the balance even more in their favor at the expense of the middle class."

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Jul 19, 2013
 

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Working hard to make Indiana look bad
The tortured, uphill case for ‘right-to-work’

As Indiana works to rebuild its economy following the Great Recession, some advocates are promoting the idea that the state’s future hinges on adoption of a so-called “right-to-work”(RTW) law. Despite the name, right-to-work laws do not confer any sort of right to a job. Rather, they dilute union bargaining strength by making it harder for workers’ organizations to sustain themselves financially. Proponents argue that by weakening labor laws, RTW will lure outside companies—particularly manufacturers—into the state.

In Indiana and elsewhere, large sums of money have been devoted to backing RTW bills, with lobbyists claiming that RTW significantly improves both the number of jobs in a state and the wages people earn because companies that had avoided the state will flock there. The evidence shows that these claims are completely without scientific foundation.

In 2011, RTW bills were advanced in nearly a dozen states, but not one of these states adopted such a statute. Most recently, New Hampshire rejected right to work when 41 Republican legislators concluded that the policy would harm rather than help their state. Legislators spent many months digging into the economic facts surrounding RTW, resulting in rejection of the policy by legislators who might otherwise have looked to RTW as a hopeful solution in hard times. In an editorial titled “Facts show RTW makes no sense for New Hampshire,” a Republican member of the New Hampshire House of Representatives explained that careful examination of the data had convinced him that “RTW would be a huge step in the wrong direction for our state”.

Recently, national organizations promoting right-to-work laws have turned their focus to Indiana, creating a flurry of new claims on behalf of the policy. The Chamber of Commerce, the National Right to Work Committee, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), and even an Oklahoma-based corporate advocacy group have issued reports or public statements aimed at convincing Hoosiers to adopt a right-to-work law. Each paints a dire picture of Indiana’s economy and suggests that only by adopting an anti-union statute can the state save itself from a future of low wages and disappearing jobs. To support this conclusion, RTW advocates have promoted a series of highly misleading assertions, while simultaneously concealing information that reflects poorly on the RTW cause. For instance:

The National Right to Work Committee issued a “factsheet” stating that job growth over the past decade was slower in Indiana than in the “Midwest” RTW states (National Institute for Labor Relations Research 2011). The factsheet does not disclose that the higher “average” for these states is due entirely to North Dakota, whose growth was sped up by the discovery of oil, which has nothing to do with RTW.3Without North Dakota, the rest of the states averaged a net job loss.

If the National Right to Work Committee had focused on manufacturing instead of oil, it would have found that in the past two years Indiana added more than twice as many manufacturing jobs as all the Midwest RTW states combined (Figure A). If businesses and workers are “voting with their feet,” they are voting for Indiana.
The National Right to Work Committee also produced a Powerpoint presentation, Indiana and Right to Work, that quotes an executive of Fantus, a site-location firm, warning that “approximately 50 percent of our clients … do not want to consider locations unless they are in right-to-work states”(National Right to Work Committee 2011). The committee neglects to mention that the quote is based on a report from 1975, and that by 1986, the firm’s executive vice president reported that the figure had fallen to 10 percent (Warren 1986).

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In its Rich States, Poor States report, the American Legislative Exchange Council promotes RTW by noting that RTW Texas has added more jobs in the past decade than any other state and declaring Texas “the state with the best policy to emulate”(Laffer et al. 2011, 13). What ALEC doesn’t tell readers is that for the last four years, the state’s job growth has come entirely through government jobs, while the private sector shrank—clearly a trend that cannot be credited to RTW (Fletcher 2011).

In January, the Indiana Chamber of Commerce published a report claiming that from 1977 to 2008, per capita income grew at a faster rate in RTW states than non-RTW states and concluding that if Indiana adopted an RTW law, Hoosiers would enjoy similar income growth. What the Chamber failed to disclose is that, while the overall average of the 22 RTW states was impressive—led by fast-growing states such as North Dakota and Virginia—the actual state-by-state numbers showed no relationship whatsoever between RTW laws and income growth. Four of the five fastest-growing states in the country were non-RTW states, and Indiana’s growth was 25 percent greater than that of its nearest RTW neighbor, Iowa (Vedder et al. 2011; Lafer 2011).

In all these cases, lobbyists have trumpeted spurious connections and/or concealed much more telling data—all in the service of painting a hopeless picture of Indiana’s economy. Political advocates who begin with an ideological conclusion and then search for data to support their cause are usually able to find some set of numbers that appears to point to the desired outcome. But such methods are a disservice to public debate and to legislators charged with forging effective economic policy. When subjected to rigorous scholarly analysis, it is clear that the arguments advanced by RTW advocates are not borne out by economic reality.

What makes any RTW statistics trustworthy?

Generally, RTW advocates argue that the average growth rate for the 22 states with RTW laws, taken as a whole, is higher than the average growth in the 28 free-bargaining states. By implication, they have argued that right-to-work laws are the cause of economic growth, that right-to-work states inevitably perform better than others, and that if a new state adopts such a law, its economy will grow at the same rate as the 22-state average. None of this is true. Whether measuring wages, job growth or unemployment rates, the actual state-by-state data show that there is no relationship between RTW laws and economic growth.

The only honest way to measure the effect of RTW is to separate out its impact from everything else. How much of Texas’ growth is due to warm weather, the oil industry, NASA, or migration from Mexico? Conducting measurements while holding everything else equal is called “regression analysis” in statistics, and it’s required for any article published in an academic journal. It is also what courts use to distinguish evidence admissible in lawsuits from what is termed “junk science.” The numbers provided by ALEC, the National Right to Work Committee, and other advocacy groups fail this most basic test; they hold nothing equal and simply assume that RTW explains growth.

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What is the actual effect of adopting a right-to-work law?

Rigorous studies—using regression analysis to home in on the effect of RTW laws— show that RTW laws:

reduce wages by $1,500 a year, for both union and nonunion workers, after accounting for different costs of living in the states (Gould and Shierholz 2011)

lower the likelihood that employees get healthcare or pensions through their jobs—again, for both union and nonunion employees (Gould and Shierholz 2011)

have no impact whatsoever on job growth (Lafer and Allegretto 2011)

The impotence of right-to-work laws in the age of globalization

The Chamber of Commerce report promoting an Indiana RTW law focuses on economic growth rates measured from the 1970s. A major problem with looking at what happened decades ago is that we inhabit a fundamentally different economy, one that changed when the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) ushered in the current terms of globalization. In the 1970s and 1980s, companies may well have moved to RTW states in search of lower wages. But in 2012, companies looking for cheap labor are overwhelmingly looking to China or Mexico, not South Carolina. To the extent that enacting RTW legislation ever served as an effective economic development strategy—and the evidence is weak on this point—globalization has rendered RTW irrelevant.

The impotence of right to work in the era of globalization is evident in the widespread job losses experienced by RTW states over the past 15 years. The loss of manufacturing jobs post-NAFTA has been felt in every state in the country. As shown inFigure B, the highest rates of job loss have been in right-to-work states, with the Carolinas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and Florida all losing a higher percentage of their manufacturing jobs than Indiana (Public Citizen 2011).

A cautionary RTW tale from Oklahoma

The most instructive lesson for Indiana is what has happened in Oklahoma—the only state to newly adopt RTW in the era of globalization. When Oklahoma was debating RTW in 2001, supporters insisted that it would dramatically improve the state’s job growth. One of the most widely circulated claims came from a site location consultant who told the state Senate that many companies won’t even consider locating in states without RTW laws, insisting that the absence of such a law was cutting Oklahoma off from “90 percent of the relocating companies.” The number of companies considering locating in Oklahoma would increase by “eight to ten times” if right to work were passed, he said (May 2001). Then-Governor Frank Keating echoed this assertion, insisting,“if we don’t pursue right to work, we are redlined”(Levy 2001).

Though no data were ever presented to substantiate these claims, they were widely publicized and doubtless influential in legislators’ thinking about the issue. One of the groups that played a leading role in touting the job-creation powers of RTW was the Oklahoma Council on Public Affairs (OCPA), which is not actually a public organization but a private, anti-union advocacy group. OCPA’s widely circulated 2001 study repeated the claim that RTW would significantly increase the number of new companies coming into the state, and would increase growth in manufacturing jobs (Reed 2001). These claims, in turn, were frequently repeated by the National Right to Work Committee (Monies 2003; Greer 2005, 2007).

None of those predictions came true.

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The facts—which come straight from the state and federal government and are now uncontested by any party, are:

In the 10 years since the law was passed, the number of new companies coming into the state has decreased by one-third (Oklahoma Department of Commerce 2011). Indeed, the same two OCPA staff analysts who authored the most recent RTW study—Moody and Warcholik—also published a 2010 article showing that Oklahoma has suffered a net out-migration of jobs to other states.

In the 10 years since Oklahoma adopted its right-to-work law, the number of manufacturing jobs in the state has fallen by one-third (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2011).

This evidence suggests that RTW was not an economic windfall for the state, but is not conclusive since other factors have also impacted job growth over this period. A more careful analysis (Lafer and Allegretto 2011) comparing Oklahoma to its neighboring states to control for other trends found that “[t]he adoption of right-to-work in Oklahoma had no significant positive impact whatsoever on employment.”

Rather than apologizing to Oklahoma legislators who may have been misled by their earlier predictions, OCPA recently released a new study aimed at convincing Indiana lawmakers that Oklahoma’s RTW law was a success. In pursuit of this goal, OCPA has completely revised its definition of success.

In its most recent report, OCPA admits that “manufacturing is lower today than it was before RTW” but insists that RTW doesn’t have to create jobs to be successful. Instead, all that matters is manufacturing GDP, or the value of sales created by the state’s manufacturing industries, OCPA says (Moody and Warcholik 2011). This argument makes no economic sense. A higher dollar-value of manufacturing sales only helps the population at large if it translates into more jobs or higher wages, which OCPA admits is not the case.

In the face of such daunting facts, OCPA offers a novel take on RTW’s failure to produce jobs. The law, the report asserts, has helped boost productivity—meaning that fewer people are needed to produce the same quantity of goods. This is a boon to Oklahomans because it “frees scarce labor to pursue other economic activities”(Moody and Warcholik 2011).

While higher productivity is certainly desirable, it’s hard to imagine that unemployed Oklahomans take comfort in having been “freed” from their former jobs. Needless to say, scarce labor is not the major problem currently facing Indiana.

For Hoosiers, the question is simple: If Indiana has the same experience as Oklahoma—both the number of manufacturing jobs and the number of new companies coming into the state significantly decrease—would that be deemed a success?

Employers say RTW is not important to location decisions

The American Legislative Exchange Council’s Rich States, Poor States report contains a state-by-state ranking of “economic outlook” based on 15 policies on ALEC’s political agenda, including RTW. But employers say ALEC focuses on the wrong things. Every year, Area Development magazine asks employers to identify the most important factors that determine their location decisions. In 2010, only one of ALEC’s 15 policies (corporate taxes) was included in the top 10; RTW was ranked 16th (Area Development 2011).

For higher-tech, higher-wage firms, the State New Economy Index ranks states according to their favorability for “new economy” employers, using 26 separate factors to measure state economies. Not one of ALEC’s policies is included on this list (Atkinson and Andes 2010).

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What’s really happening in the RTW states? Warm weather and immigration—not state labor laws—explain growth

ALEC argues that faster population growth in the 22 states with RTW laws shows that “people … want to move to places where workers have the freedom to decide whether they would like to join a union”(Laffer et al. 2011, 13).

In fact, Hoosiers are not flocking to RTW states. People who leave Indiana primarily move to non-RTW states, with Illinois and Kentucky the top two choices (Carter 2011). Moreover, there is no evidence that people switch states because of labor laws. ALEC does not present any data showing that even one interstate migrant in a thousand knows whether his or her destination state has a right-to-work law. Nor can ALEC explain why Miami, in RTW Florida, has steadily lost population for the past five years, nor why Seattle, in non-RTW Washington, has been a population magnet (Bruner 2011).

The phrase “right-to-work states” is itself misleading, since it implies that these states’ economies are primarily related by their labor laws. In fact, these are 22 very different state economies whose performance varies widely. For instance, both the highest and lowest unemployment rates are found in RTW states (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2011). The only commonality among this set of states is their concentration in the South and Southwest—regions with warm weather and fast-growing populations.

RTW advocates suggest that faster population growth proves the centrality of labor laws.

According to ALEC,“American workers, families, and businesses are repelled by high taxes, overspending, and excessive regulation,” and citizens ”vote with their feet” by moving to RTW states (Laffer et al. 2011, 9).

But this description of what motivates migration has no basis in fact. Population trends actually point to the marginality of RTW. People move to Texas or Florida not for labor laws; indeed, the share of Americans who are at all familiar with right-to-work laws is doubtless quite slim. People and businesses move for things such as better weather; Indiana, for example, averages 25 snow days per year, a significant cost of business. By comparison, Texas has two snow days per year and Florida none (Current Results 2011).

National data show that most people move from one state to another to find more affordable housing, to meet certain family needs, to retire, to move to or from college, to access better weather, or for other reasons unrelated to work (Schachter 2001; Molloy et al. 2010).

It’s useful to examine the case of Texas, whose population has grown more than any other state in the past decade, but for reasons utterly unrelated to RTW. The state’s weather was a draw for many, as were its oil industry, NASA, and large military presence. In addition, Texas is among the border states that received substantial immigration from Mexico over the past decade, and experienced by far the greatest growth in undocumented workers (Pew Hispanic Center 2011).

In turn, this population growth produced job growth. Whatever draws people to Texas, once there, new residents buy food, rent apartments, and stimulate the economy.

“Retirees in search of warm winters, middle-class Mexicans in search of a safer life—bring purchasing power that leads to greater local employment,” explains Paul Krugman (2011), a winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics and columnist with theNew York Times.

In other words, the evidence of Texas’ job growth points not to the impact of RTW but the opposite—to the power of migration to stimulate job growth independent of labor laws. This has been particularly clear in the period from 2007–2011, in which all of Texas’ job growth has been in the public sector (Fletcher 2011). Population growth—unrelated to private sector job creation—led to growing demand for schools, police, road crews and other local services (Fletcher 2011).

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There is no easy panacea for economic growth. But diversification into higher-tech manufacturing offers a strategy for building a future of family-wage jobs—a future that does not rely on trying to lower wages in order to compete with China or Mexico. Indeed, Moody’s prescription for Indiana has nothing to do with RTW or lowering wages. According to the firm, one of the most important steps Indiana lawmakers can take to shape the state’s economic future is to increase investment in education so that Hoosiers can better compete for high-wage jobs (Carter 2011).

While pursuing diversification into higher-wage manufacturing, it is important to remember that approximately 85 percent of Indiana’s jobs are in non-manufacturing industries. The source of the largest number of new jobs in the next decade will be healthcare and other service sectors. Service-sector employers tend to be immobile; hospitals must be where the sick people are, schools must be where the children are.

While RTW can thus have little positive impact on employment in these sectors, it can have significant negative impact. A service economy depends on consumers having disposable income. But when RTW laws undermine union wages, they also weaken consumer demand. Every $1 million in wage cuts results in six additional jobs lost in service, retail, construction, real estate, and other local industries.5 In addition, the healthcare industry is only viable to the extent that citizens have health insurance. When unions are weakened and the share of people with health insurance declines, the viability of this industry may be threatened.

In a big country, it is always possible to find anecdotes on both sides of a given issue. But rather than relying on anecdotal testimony from political advocates or corporate consultants, legislators would do well to emulate New Hampshire lawmakers and study the facts about RTW that arise from the experience of Oklahoma, employer surveys carried out by nonpolitical organizations, and truly scientific studies that separate out the real factors that influence state economic growth.

Indiana faces real challenges, but the answers to those challenges have nothing to do with weakening labor unions. Indiana already outperforms a majority of RTW states on a number of critical measures, including higher pension and health insurance coverage and superior educational scores (Corporation for Enterprise Development 2009; Kaiser Family Foundation 2011; EPI 2011). To trade away this record based on the arguments presented by RTW advocates would mark a step backward for the state’s economic future.

—Gordon Lafer is an Associate Professor at the Labor Education and Research Center at the University of Oregon. His work concentrates on labor law and employment policy issues.

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Endnotes

1. Right-to-work laws do not have anything to do with people being forced to join a union or pay dues for political causes they do not support. Federal law already guarantees that no one can be forced to join a union, and no one can be required to pay union dues that fund political causes they oppose.

What is permitted under federal law is for a group of employees to propose— and if their employer agrees, to write into a contract—the provision that all employees who benefit from the terms of a union contract are required to pay their fair share of the costs of administering that contract. Right-to-work laws make it illegal for employees and employers to negotiate such a contract. By making it harder for workers’ organizations to sustain themselves financially, right-to-work laws aim to weaken unions’ bargaining strength.

2. Because service industries are not mobile—schools and hospitals have to be sited near the kids and sick people they serve—right-to-work policies focus on manufacturing. Right-to-work in Indiana is based on the conviction that the only way for the state to grow is to lower its wages in the hopes of attracting out-of-state manufacturers to relocate in the state. For example, the Chamber of Commerce argues that firms choosing between Indiana and RTW states might assume that Hoosiers’ wages and benefits will be 10 percent higher because of their greater ability to organize unions, and therefore that firms would choose to locate in a lower-wage state (Vedder et al. 2011, 6). Right to work urges Hoosiers to gamble that undermining union strength and lowering their wages and benefits will lead to success in drawing more factories into the state. Unfortunately, the economic data suggest this gamble cannot pay off.

3. North Dakota’s oil not only created an employment boom in that sector but also created a $1 billion budget surplus that allowed the government to expand public employment at a time when other states were cutting back (Cauchon 2011, North Dakota Governor’s Office 2011).

4. Data include high technology auto industry investments that received support from the federal government through the Department of Energy’s EISA Section 136 loans, EPCA section 1703 and 1705 loans, and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, and includes all projects listed as of August 5, 2011 (U.S. Department of Energy 2011).

5. Calculation by EPI staff economists based on standard multiplier ratios.
Machinist in Ohio

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#3046
Jul 22, 2013
 

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I am thinking about getting a job at Rotek. Do you think it is a good idea?

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#3047
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Yes union wages are generally higher, only because they have kept up with true cost of living and many nonunion employers have not. Yes many of the things we take for granted in the work place today (paid vacations, holiday pay, over time pay after 40 hours, retirement plans,health care benefits, safer working conditions, and many other things) we have because of organized labor. The fight for workers rights and equal pay NEVER ends. How many times have each and everyone one of us read or heard of children or immigrants being taken advantage of in the work place? Big business and big money will always try to squash unions.

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#3048
Jul 27, 2013
 
part 6 of 8

Working hard to make Indiana look bad
The tortured, uphill case for ‘right-to-work’

What’s really happening in the RTW states? Warm weather and immigration—not state labor laws—explain growth

ALEC argues that faster population growth in the 22 states with RTW laws shows that “people … want to move to places where workers have the freedom to decide whether they would like to join a union”.

In fact, Hoosiers are not flocking to RTW states. People who leave Indiana primarily move to non-RTW states, with Illinois and Kentucky the top two choices (Carter 2011). Moreover, there is no evidence that people switch states because of labor laws. ALEC does not present any data showing that even one interstate migrant in a thousand knows whether his or her destination state has a right-to-work law. Nor can ALEC explain why Miami, in RTW Florida, has steadily lost population for the past five years, nor why Seattle, in non-RTW Washington, has been a population magnet (Bruner 2011).

The phrase “right-to-work states” is itself misleading, since it implies that these states’ economies are primarily related by their labor laws. In fact, these are 22 very different state economies whose performance varies widely. For instance, both the highest and lowest unemployment rates are found in RTW states (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2011). The only commonality among this set of states is their concentration in the South and Southwest—regions with warm weather and fast-growing populations.

RTW advocates suggest that faster population growth proves the centrality of labor laws.

According to ALEC,“American workers, families, and businesses are repelled by high taxes, overspending, and excessive regulation,” and citizens ”vote with their feet” by moving to RTW states (Laffer et al. 2011, 9).

But this description of what motivates migration has no basis in fact. Population trends actually point to the marginality of RTW. People move to Texas or Florida not for labor laws; indeed, the share of Americans who are at all familiar with right-to-work laws is doubtless quite slim. People and businesses move for things such as better weather; Indiana, for example, averages 25 snow days per year, a significant cost of business. By comparison, Texas has two snow days per year and Florida none (Current Results 2011).

National data show that most people move from one state to another to find more affordable housing, to meet certain family needs, to retire, to move to or from college, to access better weather, or for other reasons unrelated to work (Schachter 2001; Molloy et al. 2010).

It’s useful to examine the case of Texas, whose population has grown more than any other state in the past decade, but for reasons utterly unrelated to RTW. The state’s weather was a draw for many, as were its oil industry, NASA, and large military presence. In addition, Texas is among the border states that received substantial immigration from Mexico over the past decade, and experienced by far the greatest growth in undocumented workers (Pew Hispanic Center 2011).

In turn, this population growth produced job growth. Whatever draws people to Texas, once there, new residents buy food, rent apartments, and stimulate the economy.

“Retirees in search of warm winters, middle-class Mexicans in search of a safer life—bring purchasing power that leads to greater local employment,” explains Paul Krugman (2011), a winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics and columnist with the New York Times.

In other words, the evidence of Texas’ job growth points not to the impact of RTW but the opposite—to the power of migration to stimulate job growth independent of labor laws. This has been particularly clear in the period from 2007–2011, in which all of Texas’ job growth has been in the public sector (Fletcher 2011). Population growth—unrelated to private sector job creation—led to growing demand for schools, police, road crews and other local services (Fletcher 2011).

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#3050
Jul 27, 2013
 
Senator urges end to Rotek work stoppage, pledges his help

Published: July 24, 2013

U.S. Sen. Sherrod Brown, in a letter to company president Tim Gudszend, has asked Aurora's Rotek Inc. to end the work stoppage involving more than 100 members of the United Steelworkers.

He also has offered his aid to reaching a "fair and equitable agreement."

Rotek manufactures large diameter slewing bearings and seamless forged rings at its South Chillicothe Road plant. The parts are used in products for the military and for wind energy generation. About 300 work there.

"The United Steelworkers have the experience and skill to produce the highest quality products." Brown said. "With Rotek producing components for both our country's military and renewable energy sectors, we cannot allow the use of replacement workers to put either at risk."

Rotek has called the situation a strike while representatives of Local 8565 claim workers were locked out.

The union has been picketing outside the plant since Jan. 18. A hearing officer of the Ohio Department of Job & Family Services' Office of Unemployment Compensation ruled that workers had been locked out and were eligible for benefits. The company has appealed the decision.

In June, workers voted 122-2 to reject a contract offer that would have forced concessions to workers' health care and other benefits.

The company said it made "significant concessions" and believed the proposal was "fair and equitable." At the time, a union official said the last proposal was very similar to previous offers.

In June, the company began taking applications for permanent replacement workers. Both sides said last month they were willing to go back to the negotiating table. The last labor agreement expired Nov. 1.

Brown is concerned that the length of the stoppage has already forced workers and their loved ones to experience economic hardship.
cooter

Elyria, OH

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#3051
Jul 29, 2013
 

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dont trust the ma from columbus, that MacCall guy.....now he lies!!

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Aug 5, 2013
 

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Will the GOP Hold the Economy Hostage to Kill Historic Health Care Law?

The do-nothing Congress actually did something before fleeing Washington for an unearned and undeserved five week vacation.

As Politix reported on Friday, the Republican-led House voted for the 40th time to defund and destroy all or part of the Affordable Care Act, more commonly known as "Obamacare".

In short, Tea Party extremists want to deny reality and re-write history. But they lack the votes in the Senate to defund Obamacare. Moreover, the president would surely veto any such legislation that came to his desk.

But why let reality get in the way of political demagoguery and narcissism.

This is yet the latest shameful example of Congressional Republicans casting meaningless votes for PR purposes -- rather than passing meaningful legislation to create jobs and improve the struggling economy.

Holding Economy Hostage

Some Tea Party insurgents are now threatening to shutdown the federal government and cause America to default on the national debt if Congress approves any further funding of Obamacare, key provisions of which are scheduled for implementation in 2014.

But even conservative Republican elders are warning that such a misguided approach would likely result in economic calamity. The disastrous repercussions may include another humiliating hit to America's international credit rating and possibly dipping back into recession, according to some economists.

The fight to defund Obamacare by holding the economy hostage is being led by Tea Party firebrands in the Senate, such as Ted Cruz, Mike Lee, Marco Rubio and Rand Paul. These ideological purists are the new kids on the block who appear to enjoy wallowing in political mud at the expense of the American people.

Lest they forget that Obamacare was passed by the Congress, signed by the President and even upheld in a Supreme Court case. It makes you wonder what world the Tea Party is living in?

Puzzled Party Leaders

Mainstream conservative Republicans are puzzled by the Tea Party's juvenile antics, which amount to nothing more than political theater and posturing for the 2016 presidential election.

Former GOP Chairman Michael Steele lamented, "You may want to defund a lot of things but you've got to deal with the reality."

Republican leaders like Sen. Tom Coburn insist this is "not an achievable strategy". Sen. Richard Burr called the Tea Party plan "the dumbest idea" he's ever heard.

GOP political strategists and pundits are also castigating Sen. Cruz and his cohorts for their political absurdity.

Veteran presidential campaign advisor Steve Schmidt described their proposal this way: "As stupid a political strategy as you could possibly conjure up."

Karl Rove explained that shuttering the government and/or defaulting on the debt due to Obamacare "gives the President the bully pulpit and a gigantic stick on which to beat us."

This all reminds me of a pivotal episode in the HBO series "The Newsroom" in which an outspoken cable TV anchor unabashedly blasts the Tea Party as "the American Taliban".

While that characterization may be overzealous and offensive to some, it's not far off the mark politically.
Your real truth

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If the ACA is so great, why is Congress exempting themselves and their Aides from it? This is the biggest POS legislation to ever be stuffed down the throats of the American people. The law was not read before being voted on and even the Unions are balking at it now.

I know I will get another 8 pages of long crappy posts that I will not read. Your truth doesn't have an original idea of his own, he just re-posts crap from others which is Democrat talking points.

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USW’s Redmond Blasts Do-Nothing Republican House

Progressive talk show host Leslie Marshall and USW International Vice President of Human Affairs Fred Redmond discussed the Republican do-nothing House of Representatives. They’re so dysfunctional that the best thing they do is fight with themselves. But, no problem, they’ve produced a manual to help them explain themselves to constituents during summer break.

"When we look at the record concerning this Congress prior to this five weeks recess, let’s look at what they have done. They've voted for the 40th time to repeal Obamacare. They've voted to ban nearly all abortions after 20 weeks following conception and that's definitely an unconstitutional standard that punishes women who need abortions for medical reasons. And then after failing to pass legislation to cut food stamp money by $20 billion, which was 5 times greater than the Senate version, now they're proposing new legislation to cut food stamps by $40 billion," said Redmond. "And that's why Leslie we have the most least productive Congress ever despite the lingering job crises that we're facing in this country."

They talked about the inactivity of this Congress and what type of reaction they should face when they meet with their constituents.

"If this Congress continues to move in the way that they have moved, which is doing nothing to reach across the aisle and do the work they were sent to Washington to do, for working American families and those who have been hurt by this economy," said Redmond. "Then we could be facing the worst catastrophe, economic catastrophe, that we have seen in our lifetime."

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