2010 Florida Governor Race Election R...

2010 Florida Governor Race Election Results a " Rick Scott Wins | The News of Today

There are 3001 comments on the thenewsoftoday.com story from Nov 3, 2010, titled 2010 Florida Governor Race Election Results a " Rick Scott Wins | The News of Today. In it, thenewsoftoday.com reports that:

Posted by Jason Moore on Nov 3rd, 2010 and filed under Featured News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 . You can leave a response or trackback to this entry Florida Governor The 2010 Florida Governor Race has been a close one ever since the primaries ended.

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United States

#3390 May 2, 2014
Panamaed wrote:
FBI Criminal Information Services....James Casey better BUCKLE UP!
I am confused.........
I thought it was James Casey after his FBI retirement and working as Casey PI that determined there was probable cause in the Murray Cohen to charge the new widow with his death.

One thing for sure, if anyone ever does an honest investigation into this death and determines it was murder and files charges against anyone for that murder - Florida Governor's Bush, Crist and Scott and a lot of others should be charged with OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE for refusing to allow an investigation into this man's death.

Even the Medical Examiner who now lives in Seminole County has said if he had the info then he has now he would have ruled differently - he has been calling for a reevaluation of his findings for years now.

And the widow (the so called former DEA agent and DCF employee) well like so many more of her type - she wound up living in South Lake County, Florida near Disney World!

United States

#3391 May 2, 2014
Casey's analysis of the Black Widow's 911 call was very disappointing and erroneous IMO.

Spring Hill, FL

#3392 May 2, 2014
BiG 0 wrote:
I asked my wife if.........
Boys from The Bronx are like me stupid

and to ask a wife..........very stupid


and the post..........idiotic
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3393 May 2, 2014
Everyone knows the moment or month or era when life happened, all at once, and established some set point of desire or values or best-ever happiness. Flash-flooded with detail, and then flash-frozen in time, it’s usually a quick, early thing: an especially rad summer, maybe, or a singular, sparkler-in-the-dark love. For me, it was my first three months of work.(I’m the worst?) Everything that comes before doesn’t matter; everything that comes after is not so much compared with it (because nothing can compare) as informed by it, forever and always.

There are biological and age-related reasons for these fast-and-hot epochs, and that they usually happen so early, before anything else gets figured out, feels like a gnarly trick. A particularly cruel and punishing strand of nostalgia is assigned and attached to these mega-specific moments, which means that other eras, even the amazingly idyllic ones, never feel as… much. If you were deep into Facebook or some other searchable record at the time of your personal flash flood, then it’s probably extra brutal for you, and guh, I’m sorry. The inevitability of remembering parts of youth as flares in a cold, black sky really means that, by the time participatory and for-real life starts, there has already been some profound but invisible loss.

I rewatch The Hills to work through, and maybe get over somehow, the effects of this kind of loss. For me, it’s a perfect, if elevated, proxy of my own era of sunlit rosebud gathering. I barely ever watched the show during its original run because, at that time, a posse of kids who took clubbing really seriously wasn’t interesting to me (which is cute, because during this time of my life I took going to shows in garbagey bars really seriously; if you were 23 then, all it really came down to was whether your sequins were ironic or not).

The Hills was a hothouse of future nostalgia for its total nonspecificity: Aside from the LA-ness of it all (luxury SUVs direct from the car wash, etc.), the show was so broadly about everyday origin stories of friendship and love and jobs that its themes drew a wide circle around MTV’s entire demographic. The Hills revolves around its women, who move between shabby-chic shared apartments, barely-there jobs and formal-shorts internships, dates with their trainers, and clubs, with Cabo and Costa Rica interspersed. The show became especially mythical (and, yeah, this statement will probably be controversial for LC-heads) when the dark-blond, tall-poppy centerpiece of the show, Lauren Conrad, left. Remaining were girls who were exclusively and explicitly about “the best time of their lives,” with sunset-BBQ cheering, deeply fraught breakups, and friendship fights.

What other show, or what other entity, has been so available for the projection of anyone’s pre-adult nostalgia? The Hills did not make its drama out of plot twists or calculated misunderstandings, the stuff of most TV programming that is about the same parts of life. Instead it distilled—and then amplified—the existing, ready-made drama of being alive and 20-ish or whatever, hanging out with your friends every single day and night, as if they’re oxygen, until, slowly or suddenly but always agonizingly, you just don’t anymore. I don’t know whether The Hills was hyperrealism as TV, but it wasn’t “reality television” as we knew or now know it.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3394 May 2, 2014
Watching the show is like a salve, a Crayola-bright and comfy therapy that makes me feel closer to, and less reliant on, my own individual but hardly unique halcyonathon of riding bikes and driving cars and playing games and talking eeeeendlessly with and at my friends. I know that all of it is totally unremarkable, elevated only because it’s mine, just as The Hills feels unremarkable and elevated only because it’s theirs (and also because of its soundtrack, which offers a second, separate punch of nostalgia). Watching identical emotions played out by blonder, glossier similars recasts the experience itself—and the subsequent loss of it—as something else, as something so common and, yeah, mythical, that the attendant alone-feelings just wear themselves out. They seem, I don’t know, cute now, and not so tragic, because I’ve seen them through a prism of high ponytails and beach houses and sidewalk confrontations. That loss—still sticky and gnawing on a bad day—is most often just information on what I loved, what I once had, and what it is I should find and make for myself again, in a real and adult way.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3395 May 2, 2014
Girls and women (it feels so corny to consider girls and women as these separate classes of experience, right?) have, more so than guys and to our great benefit, style and shopping as a means of expression and self-realization. As problematic as it is to get super-excited about spending money toward, like, selfhood, it’s a socially and emotionally safe way to have some stripe of identity-adventure, to tell ourselves stories through our choices and things, and, more and more, to share those adventures and tell those same stories online.(This is why I don’t hate it when a tween buys a pee-quality body splash for $14 and posts about it; I know what she’s doing when she’s choosing, when she’s having, when she’s showing.)

The online show-off experience could have been about sex—some of it is, obvi—but girls tend to do the show-off parts of the internet the way they do clothes, which is mostly for themselves and for each other. This way of doing the internet, our way, converges as an inward “me gaze.” The aspects of performance and intimacy are all there, but are for us, and for an audience of us-es.

Street-style photographers still theoretically reward an individual’s own thing, as opposed to the approved seasonal version. Fashion editors still create the fantasies that girls play off of, and are essential liaisons between history, context, business, and buyer. Neither, however, is as powerful as girls and women are on their own, especially online.

Regular girls on the internet have become the kind of YouTube starlets who confuse nearly everyone, and they’re doing online what my kid best friends and I did for each other with our kid purchases in our bedrooms. Even when it was just two of us, the exposure of it was a little embarrassing. Today, it’s for millions of unseen proxies. Girls post their shopping bags and wish lists and tag #ootd on Tumblr and Instagram. There are “haul videos,” post-shop post-morts where new sweaters and on-sale boots are explained and caressed and wondered over in front of a MacBook camera.

Non-regular girls, like certain semi- and downtown-famous women, demonstrate their own style on sites run by women in the same social strata; their sites coolly maintain editorial authority and offer a different kind of lifestyle verisimilitude. The Coveteur shoots expensive stuff—clothes, shoes, bags, jewelry—around their subjects’ furniture, art, personal ephemera. To whatever degree their stuff is expected—the single pink Chanel jacket hung just so, the gold-shining spike bracelet wrapped around a cactus—there are also book collections and boyfriend baubles and limited kitchens and so much revealed about what these women wanted, what they’re trying, what they’re after, all of it nestled in a field of vulnerabilities.

The website Into the Gloss is my favorite. It documents the beauty and makeup routines of those same women, but often in such close detail that it feels like bathroom academics. Refinery29, Opening Ceremony’s site, posts “closet tours,” which are less self-consciously curatorial and more about the accumulation (both lit and fig) of influence, choice, and habit.

On Instagram, these same women post often and randomly, and the details (fixtures, flooring, furniture, books, lipsticks, shadowy background players, dogs) are often revealed by accident, in a way that’s perfectly unmediated. Insider access makes for voyeurism that’s more fun and positive than any other demonstration of who we are via our personal style, and a pile of shopping bags in a corner reveals more than the new shoes in the foreground every time.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3396 May 2, 2014
Nothing is more wantable, for either subject or spectator, than an opportunity for some realness. Whether or not the demonstration of clothes and random other stuff is billboard-friendly mall-wear or the most exotic couture, the effect is the same: familiarity, and an ever-increasingly shared way of considering who we are, individually and together. The internet isn’t only about “Hi! I’m here!” With unlimited avenues of information, the very idea of personal style has become weightier.(Which isn’t to say there’s too much variance across its workings; the average style blogger is still in an easily traceable, collectively-agreed-upon rig.) When the emphasis is repositioned toward all of these tiny details and careful, me-gazing concerns, there’s less and less room or reason to minister to some other vision of what (and who) style, and self, are for.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3397 May 2, 2014
Estrus is a phase of increased female sexual receptivity, proceptivity, selectivity, and attractiveness. It is common across mammalian species (Lange et al., 2002, Lombardi, 1998), including primates (Dixson, 1998, Nelson, 2000), and seems functionally designed to obtain sires of superior genetic quality (Gangestad et al., 2005, Thornhill, 2006). However, the conventional wisdom holds that human female estrus became uniquely “lost” or “hidden” over evolutionary time (e.g., Burt, 1992), perhaps to promote male provisioning and paternal care in long-term pair-bonded relationships (Strassmann, 1981, Turke, 1984). Contrary to this “hidden-estrus” view, recent laboratory-based studies show that women near the most fertile point of their cycle (just before ovulation) are more attractive to males, as manifest through more attractive body scent (Havlíček et al., 2006, Kuukasiarvi et al., 2004, Singh & Bronstad, 2001), greater facial attractiveness (Roberts et al., 2004), increased soft-tissue body symmetry (Manning, Scutt, Whitehouse, Leinster, & Walton, 1996), decreased waist-to-hip ratio (Kirchengast & Gartner, 2002), and higher verbal creativity and fluency (Krug et al., 1999, Symonds et al., 2004).

While such laboratory-based findings are theoretically important, only four studies have, to our knowledge, investigated the real-world attractiveness effects of human estrus outside the laboratory.

Haselton, Mortezaie, Pillsworth, Bleske-Recheck, and Frederick (2007) photographed 30 young women—all in steady relationships and not using the pill—twice each, wearing their self-chosen clothing, once during estrus (as confirmed by hormonal assay) and once during a lower-fertility (luteal) cycle phase. Then, 42 mixed-sex raters made a forced-choice judgment (“In which photo is the person trying to look more attractive?”) between the two photos of each woman (with faces obscured, leaving only body and clothing cues). They chose the woman when she was in estrus about 60% of the time—modestly but significantly above chance. This result confirmed that both male and female observers are perceptually sensitive to women's choice of more conspicuous and fashionable clothes during estrus.(A related real-world study by Grammer, Renninger, & Fisher, 2004, found that mated women attending Vienna discotheques without their partners tended to dress more provocatively if they had higher estradiol levels; however, that study did not directly assess cycle phase.)

Gangestad, Thornhill, and Garver (2002) found convergent evidence that men's real-world behavior is sensitive to their female partners' estrous cues.(Note that estrous is the adjectival form of the noun estrus.) Among 31 mated women not using the pill, their sexual partners were reported as using more mate-guarding behaviors, including higher proprietariness, attentiveness, and vigilance (e.g., calling the women's cell phones at random times to see what they were doing) when the women were in estrus. This effect was especially strong when the relationship was not yet steady or exclusive—consistent with the theory that increased mate guarding of estrous women by male partners is functionally designed to deter extra-pair copulation.

Haselton and Gangestad (2006) replicated this mate-guarding result among 25 normally cycling women, using a stronger repeated-measures design based on daily reports. They further found that estrous mate guarding by male partners was mediated by both men's sexual attractiveness (less-attractive men mate guarded especially more during estrus) and women's own attractiveness (less-attractive women were especially mate guarded during estrus, whereas more-attractive women were mate guarded all the time). In a subsequent study, Pillsworth and Haselton (2006) found similar results on measures of male attentiveness and expressed love.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3398 May 2, 2014
These four studies provide some evidence that men are sensitive to estrous cues in real-world situations. However, the photo-choice results were rather modest in strength (Haselton et al., 2007), and the mate-guarding results were rather indirect measures of estrous female attractiveness (Gangestad et al., 2002, Haselton & Gangestad, 2006, Pillsworth & Haselton, 2006). In this article, we build upon such research by presenting the first real-world economic evidence of male sensitivity to cyclic changes in female attractiveness. Specifically, we measured the tips earned by professional lap dancers in gentlemen's clubs over a 2-month span. These dancers are highly motivated to maximize tip earnings during every shift they work, which they do by appearing more sexually attractive than the other 5 to 30 rival dancers working the same shift and by doing the “emotional labor” of “counterfeiting intimacy” with male club patrons (Barton, 2006, Beasley, 2003, Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006, Pasko, 2002). Hence, if the hidden-estrus view is right, there should be no reliable cues of fertility available or expressed to patrons and no ovulatory cycle effects on dancer tip earnings. On the other hand, if women retain perceivable cues of estrus—if they become more attractive to male club patrons at midcycle, just before ovulation—then they might be in higher demand and earn higher tips.

Because academics may be unfamiliar with the gentlemen's club subculture, some background may be helpful to understand why this is an ideal setting for investigating real-world attractiveness effects of human female estrus. The following information was gathered from interviews with local club managers and from the sociological and feminist literature on erotic dancing (Barton, 2006, Beasley, 2003, Brewster, 2003, Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006, Enck & Preston, 1988, Forsyth & Deshotels, 1997, Hall, 1993, Hochschild, 1983, Lewis, 2006, Linz et al., 2000, Pasko, 2002, Ronai & Ellis, 1989, Thompson et al., 2003).

All participants in this study worked as lap dancers in Albuquerque “gentlemen's clubs” circa November 2006 through January 2007. The clubs serve alcohol; they are fairly dark, smoky, and loud (with a DJ playing rock, rap, or pop music). Most club patrons are Anglo or Hispanic men aged 20 to 60, ranging from semiskilled laborers to professionals; they typically start the evening by getting a stack of US$20 bills from the club's on-site ATM and having a couple of drinks.

Dancers in these clubs perform topless but not bottomless; law requires them to wear underwear, bikinis, or similar garments to cover the pubis. Thus, menstruating dancers can wear tampons (with strings clipped short or tucked up) and change them often during heavy-flow days, without revealing any visual signs of menstruation. Dancers typically wear very little perfume, but they often have breast implants, dye their head hair, trim their pubic hair, shave their legs and underarms, and adopt a “stage name” different from their real first name. They typically do regular aerobic and resistance exercise to maintain a fit, lean body shape.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3399 May 2, 2014
During work, each dancer performs one to three “stage dances” on an elevated central stage about every 90 min to advertise her presence, attractiveness, and availability for lap dances. These result in only modest tip earnings (typically US$1–5 tips from the men seated closest to the stage, totaling only about 10% of her earnings). The rest of the dancer's time is spent walking around the club asking men if they want a “lap dance.” A lap dance typically costs US$10 per 3-min song in the main club area or US$20 in the more private VIP lounge. Dancers typically make about two thirds of their income from the main club area and one third from the VIP area; thus, average income from each lap dance is about US$14. Lap dances require informal “tips” rather than having explicit “prices”(to avoid police charges of illegal “solicitation”), but the economic norms of tipping are vigorously enforced by bouncers. Dancers thus maximize their earnings by providing as many lap dances as possible per shift.

In each lap dance, the male patron sits on a chair or couch, fully clothed, with his hands at his sides; he is typically not allowed to touch the dancer. The topless female dancer sits on the man's lap, either facing away from him (to display her buttocks, back, and hair) or facing him (either leaning back to display her breasts, and to make conversation and eye contact, or learning forward to whisper in his ear). Lap dances typically entail intense rhythmic contact between the female pelvis and the clothed male penis (Barton, 2006, Beasley, 2003).

Thus, lap dances are the most intimate form of sex work that is legal in most American cities—much more intimate than the stage dances and table dances that characterized such clubs until the late 1990s. However, most lap dance clubs strongly discourage more intimate patron–dancer contact, even in private VIP rooms, since clubs can be closed swiftly if undercover police discover that prostitution is occurring. Rather, the dancer's earnings are maximized by inducing the man to agree to further lap dances after the first 3-min song is over (Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006, Pasko, 2002). Thus, a dancer can make up to US$400 per hour performing for a rich, attentive patron in a VIP lounge. Club patrons will often “sample” several different dancers with one lap dance each before picking one for a more expensive multisong bout of dancing. Thus, patrons can assess the relative attractiveness of different women through intimate verbal, visual, tactile, and olfactory interaction, and those attractiveness judgments can directly influence women's tip earnings, through the number of 3-min dances that patrons request from each dancer. In these ways, estrous attractiveness effects on lap-dancer earnings in gentlemen's clubs may be stronger than in other kinds of psychology research that use photo ratings (e.g., Haselton et al., 2007) or other kinds of sex work (e.g., visual pornography, phone sex) that give fewer fertility cues across fewer modalities.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3400 May 2, 2014
Participants were recruited through indirect e-mails (forwarded through local industry contacts), newspaper advertisements, and flyers posted near clubs. To minimize possible response biases through demand characteristics, we mentioned the ovulatory cycle only in recruitment and consent and we did not suggest that tip earnings would be examined specifically as a function of days since menstrual onset. We believe that this brief mention of possible cycle effects on tip earnings in the consent form did not bias participant responses in any particular direction.

To enter the study, each participant collected an experiment packet (containing a consent form, 14-page questionnaire, and instructions for using the online web site) from a public location on the University of New Mexico (UNM) campus. The questionnaire (with an attached subject ID number) asked about age, ethnicity, work experience, sexual experience and attitudes, menstrual cycle characteristics, contraception use, physical characteristics, education, intelligence, and personality. Signed consent forms and completed questionnaires were returned to separate boxes at UNM to maintain anonymity. Participants were also asked to use their anonymous subject ID number to log in to the web site every day for 60 days. Each day, they were to report their mood, work hours, work location, and tip earnings in US dollars and whether they had begun or ceased menstruation. Participants were offered a payment of US$30 upon completion of the study.

A total of 18 women gave analyzable data (signed consent forms, completed questionnaires, and reported menstrual cycle data over the 60-day period); 1 additional woman completed the study but reported highly irregular menstrual activity (e.g., three different menstrual periods beginning in the same 10-day interval), rendering her unsuitable for relevant analyses. Because recruitment was through forwarded e-mails, advertisements, and flyers, it is hard to estimate the proportion of women who responded.

We asked participants to log in to our study web site daily to report whether they had started or stopped menstruating on that day and to report their tip earnings and other details of any shift they worked that day. Each participant's menstruation data were plotted on a calendar, and we recorded how many days into the cycle each participant was for each shift reported. The online data revealed that all 18 participants showed quite regular cycles ranging from 28 to 29 days in cycle length—a good match to their self-reported cycle lengths of 28–30 days.

Actuarial data (e.g., Wilcox, Dunson, Weinberg, Trussell, & Baird, 2001) suggest that fertility is high around Days 9–15 of the cycle and is low around Days 1–8 (early follicular days including menstruation) and Days 16–28 (days in the luteal phase). We divided nonestrous parts of the cycle into menstrual and luteal phases because we expected that menstrual side effects (e.g., fatigue, bloating, muscle pains, irritability) might reduce women's subjective well-being and tip earnings and we wanted to be able to distinguish an estrous increase in tips from a menstrual decrease, relative to the luteal phase. Also, because fertility estimation is imperfect and fertility may be high a few days before or after the typical fertile window, we used methods similar to those of Haselton and Gangestad (2006) by conservatively estimating cycle phase. Thus, the cycle was broken up into three phases: menstrual [Days 1–5 of the cycle (Days 6–8 were dropped because participants could have been fertile and were likely not menstruating)], fertile (Days 9–15 of the cycle), and luteal [Days 18–28 of the cycle (Days 16 and 17 were dropped because participants could have been fertile)]. We then calculated an average tip-earning level for each participant in her menstrual, fertile, and luteal phases, based on all available online data in each category.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3401 May 2, 2014
Apart from the ambiguous-fertility days dropped from our analysis, participants reported tip earnings in a total of 296 online entries, averaging 16.4 entries each (S.D.=5.2, range=9–29), out of the 60 days requested. Participants only logged on to the web site on about half of the days when they worked (27% of the 60 requested days).

The average work shift lasted 5.2 h (S.D.=1.7, range=0–12), usually starting between 5 and 10 p.m. and ending between midnight and 4 a.m. Participants reported mean earnings of US$248.73 per shift (S.D.=US$125.30). With lap dances yielding an average of about US$14, this mean earnings level of about US$250 reflects about 18 dances per shift. Shift length was unrelated to shift earnings (r=−.03, p=.63); thus,“earnings per shift,” rather than “earnings per hour,” was used in subsequent tip analyses. Additionally, number of hours worked per shift did not differ across cycle phase [F(2, 249)=1.19, p=.306; menstrual mean=5.44, fertile mean=5.26, luteal mean=5.04]. Fig. 1 shows average tip earnings for Days 1–28 in the cycle for normally cycling women versus pill-using women.

Our design involved multiple observations (i.e., tips per shift) for dancers, who were nested within contraception use and crossed with cycle phase; hence, we analyzed effects of cycle phase and contraception use on tip earnings using multilevel modeling (hierarchical linear modeling). Multilevel modeling is most appropriate in this context because it allows interpretable tests of cycle phase and contraception use despite multiple observations and the nonindependence of tip earnings and despite the differential number of observations between participants. Analyses were thus performed using SPSS 14.0 Mixed Models. Restricted maximum likelihood criteria were employed. Shifts (nested within individuals) were the Level 1 units of analysis, and participants were Level 2 units of analysis. Accordingly, cycle phase was a Level 1 factor and contraception use was a Level 2 factor. We report significance levels using both traditional p values for null-hypothesis testing and prep values (Killeen, 2005).

Main effects of cycle phase [F(2, 236)=27.46, p<.001, prep=1.00] and contraception use [F(1, 17)=6.76, p<.05, prep=.929] were moderated by an interaction between cycle phase and pill use [F(2, 236)=5.32, p<.01, prep=.964]. Fig. 1, Fig. 2 show these key results by plotting average tip earnings within each running 3-day period (Fig. 1) or each cycle phase (menstrual, fertile, or luteal; Fig. 2) for normally cycling participants versus pill-using participants.
We conducted two planned contrasts of the interaction to investigate how cycle phase moderated the difference in tip earnings between normally cycling participants and pill users. The first contrast investigated how pill use moderated differences in tip earnings between the menstrual and luteal phases. We predicted that pill-using and normally cycling participants would demonstrate a similar difference between these two phases. The second contrast investigated how pill use moderated differences in tip earnings between the fertile phase and the other two phases. We predicted that normally cycling participants would demonstrate a larger increase in the fertile phase relative to the other phases than pill-using participants.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3402 May 2, 2014
Consistent with our predictions, the first contrast indicated that pill use does not moderate the difference between tips earned in the menstrual and luteal phases [F(1, 234)=0.012, p=.911], with normally cycling participants demonstrating a similar increase in tip earnings from menstrual to luteal phases (+70.45; 95% confidence limits from +25.68 to +115.16) as compared to pill-using participants (+66.60; 95% confidence limits from +20.72 to +112.26). Also consistent with our predictions, the second contrast indicated that pill use does moderate the difference between tips earned in the fertile phase and the other two phases [F(1, 238)=10.52, p<.01, prep=.983], with normally cycling participants demonstrating a greater increase in tip earnings at the fertile phase relative to the other two phases (+135.63; 95% confidence limits from +111.20 to +160.07) than pill users (+47.62; 95% confidence limits from +11.50 to +83.74).

We found strong ovulatory cycle effects on tip earnings, moderated by whether the participants were normally cycling. All women made less money during their menstrual periods, whether they were on the pill or not. However, the normally cycling women made much more money during estrus (about US$354 per shift)—about US$90 more than during the luteal phase and about US$170 more than during the menstrual phase. Estrous women made about US$70 per hour, luteal women made about US$50 per hour, and menstruating women made about US$35 per hour. By contrast, the pill users had no midcycle peak in tip earnings. As in other previous research, the pill eliminates peak-fertility effects on the female body and behavior by putting the body in a state of hormonal pseudopregnancy (e.g., Gangestad et al., 2004, Gangestad et al., 2005, Macrae et al., 2002). This also results in pill users making only US$193 per shift compared to normally cycling women making US$276 per shift—a loss of more than US$80 per shift.

This is the first direct economic evidence for the existence of estrus in contemporary human females. Under the “revealed preference” doctrine in behavioral decision theory (Camerer, 2003, Hensher et al., 1999), real consumer spending patterns reveal human preferences more reliably than verbally stated judgments do, especially for socially stigmatized products such as pornography or sex work (Salmon & Symons, 2001). When women and men interact intimately over the course of several minutes through conversation and body contact, women apparently either “signal” or “leak” cues of their fertility status, and these cues influence spending patterns by male consumers. These results argue against the view that human estrus evolved to be lost or hidden from males (e.g., Strassmann, 1981, Turke, 1984). Indeed, the standard argument for women's “extended sexuality”(sexual receptivity outside the fertile estrus phase) is that it evolved to help women extract material resources from males (Gangestad et al., 2005, Thornhill, 2006), and some evidence suggests that women outside estrus place a higher value on male wealth relative to other male traits (Haselton & Miller, 2006). By this reasoning, nonestrous women in their extended sexuality phase should be better adapted to maximize tip earnings through displays of (nonfertile) sexual receptivity such as lap dancing. The fact that tip earnings peak during estrus suggests that men can detect female fertility more accurately than the “concealed ovulation” model suggested—but not so accurately that tips during the luteal and menstrual phases drop to zero (as they might if men found women generally unattractive during low-fertility parts of the cycle). As in so many coevolutionary arms races between the sexes (Arnqvist & Rowe, 2005), this outcome is not a clear victory for either sex.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3403 May 2, 2014
These cycle effects are notable because in previous research on gentlemen's clubs (e.g., Barton, 2006, Deshotels & Forsyth, 2006, Pasko, 2002), summarizing thousands of hours of interviews, dancers are never reported as noticing cycle effects on tip earnings (thus making it less likely that participant expectations or demand characteristics can explain the results). Yet, dancers have rich opportunities to learn how to maximize tip earnings. Learning optimal performance in any economic game requires immediate cash feedback across many iterations of the game (Camerer, 2003), and this is exactly what lap dancers get, every few minutes, in every shift, throughout the average of 6.4 years of dance experience. For this reason, we suspect that cyclic shifts in women's attractiveness are driving our tip earnings results—rather than the well-documented shifts in sexual receptivity, proceptivity, or selectivity for good genes (e.g., Feinberg et al., 2006, Gangestad et al., 2002, Gangestad et al., 2004, Gangestad et al., 2005, Haselton & Miller, 2006, Thornhill, 2006). Although an estrous increase in sexual receptivity and proceptivity toward clients who exhibit good-gene cues may bias dancers to approach certain men, it is unclear how this bias would lead to greater tip earnings during estrus. Indeed, it seems that the optimal strategy for obtaining tips is to focus on men who are profligate, drunk, and gullible rather than those who are intelligent, handsome, and discerning.

This study has several limitations. The sample size of participants is small (N=18), although we gathered many data points per participant, which allowed us to use a statistically powerful repeated-measures design (including 296 work shifts reflecting about 5300 lap dances). Although the modest number of participants does not increase type I errors (i.e., false positives) in our statistical tests, it may reduce the generalizability of the results across populations—although it is unclear why different populations of sexually mature, normally cycling, human females would show different ovulatory cycle effects on tip earnings, if they work in the same industry.

Another limitation is that our key measures (tip earnings, menstrual cycle phases, hormonal contraception use) were self-reported, to maximize participant anonymity and confidentiality in this stigmatized and suspicious population (see Thompson et al., 2003). Future studies could use larger samples, could identify ovulation more precisely using the luteinizing hormone surge as measured in urine samples, and could investigate whether these effects hold in other less-stigmatized types of sex work and service and entertainment industries, in other settings and cultures.

A final limitation is that our study did not identify the precise proximal mechanisms that influence tip earnings. These might include the previously documented shifts in body scent, facial attractiveness, soft-tissue body symmetry, waist-to-hip ratio, and verbal creativity and fluency—or they might include shifts in other phenotypic cues that have not yet been studied. We can, however, exclude some possible mediators based on previous exotic dancer research. Tip earnings are unlikely to be influenced by cycle shifts in stage-dance moves, clothing, or initial conversational content because these cues just do not vary much for professional dancers (Barton, 2006, Beasley, 2003). The tip earnings pattern in Fig. 1 is similar to the pattern of estradiol levels across the cycle (with a main estrous peak and a secondary midluteal peak); hence, it is plausible that estradiol levels might mediate the tip-earning effects.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3404 May 2, 2014
Perhaps, most importantly, from an evolutionary viewpoint, further research could clarify whether women have evolved special adaptations to signal estrus through such cues—or whether the cues are “leaking” to sexually discriminating men as unselected side effects of cycle physiology. Distinguishing between estrous “signals” and “leaked cues” may be difficult in practice because estrous females (seeking extra-pair copulations with good-gene males) and extra-pair males (offering good genes) may have shared interests in female fertility signals being “conspiratorial whispers” that are accurate but inconspicuous (Pagel, 1994). In serially monogamous species such as ours, women's estrous signals may have evolved an extra degree of plausible deniability and tactical flexibility to maximize women's ability to attract high-quality extra-pair partners just before ovulation, while minimizing the primary partner's mate guarding and sexual jealousy. For these reasons, we suspect that human estrous cues are likely to be very flexible and stealthy—subtle behavioral signals that fly below the radar of conscious intention or perception, adaptively hugging the cost–benefit contours of opportunistic infidelity.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3405 May 2, 2014
"But the Almighty Lord hath struck him,
and hath delivered him into the hands of
a woman."

—The Vulgate, Judith, xvi. 7.

My company was charming.

Opposite me by the massive Renaissance fireplace sat Venus; she was not a casual woman of the half-world, who under this pseudonym wages war against the enemy sex, like Mademoiselle Cleopatra, but the real, true goddess of love.

She sat in an armchair and had kindled a crackling fire, whose reflection ran in red flames over her pale face with its white eyes, and from time to time over her feet when she sought to warm them.

Her head was wonderful in spite of the dead stony eyes; it was all I could see of her. She had wrapped her marble-like body in a huge fur, and rolled herself up trembling like a cat.

"I don't understand it," I exclaimed, "It isn't really cold any longer. For two weeks past we have had perfect spring weather. You must be nervous."

"Much obliged for your spring," she replied with a low stony voice, and immediately afterwards sneezed divinely, twice in succession. "I really can't stand it here much longer, and I am beginning to understand—"

"What, dear lady?"

"I am beginning to believe the unbelievable and to understand the un- understandable. All of a sudden I understand the Germanic virtue of woman, and German philosophy, and I am no longer surprised that you of the North do not know how to love, haven't even an idea of what love is."

"But, madame," I replied flaring up, "I surely haven't given you any reason."

"Oh, you—" The divinity sneezed for the third time, and shrugged her shoulders with inimitable grace. "That's why I have always been nice to you, and even come to see you now and then, although I catch a cold every time, in spite of all my furs. Do you remember the first time we met?"

"How could I forget it," I said. "You wore your abundant hair in brown curls, and you had brown eyes and a red mouth, but I recognized you immediately by the outline of your face and its marble-like pallor—you always wore a violet-blue velvet jacket edged with squirrel-skin."

"You were really in love with the costume, and awfully docile."

"You have taught me what love is. Your serene form of worship let me forget two thousand years."

"And my faithfulness to you was without equal!"

"Well, as far as faithfulness goes—"


"I will not reproach you with anything. You are a divine woman, but nevertheless a woman, and like every woman cruel in love."

"What you call cruel," the goddess of love replied eagerly, "is simply the element of passion and of natural love, which is woman's nature and makes her give herself where she loves, and makes her love everything, that pleases her."

"Can there be any greater cruelty for a lover than the unfaithfulness of the woman he loves?"

"Indeed!" she replied. "We are faithful as long as we love, but you demand faithfulness of a woman without love, and the giving of herself without enjoyment. Who is cruel there—woman or man? You of the North in general take love too soberly and seriously. You talk of duties where there should be only a question of pleasure."

"That is why our emotions are honorable and virtuous, and our relations permanent."
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3406 May 2, 2014
"And yet a restless, always unsatisfied craving for the nudity of paganism," she interrupted, "but that love, which is the highest joy, which is divine simplicity itself, is not for you moderns, you children of reflection. It works only evil in you. As soon as you wish to be natural, you become common. To you nature seems something hostile; you have made devils out of the smiling gods of Greece, and out of me a demon. You can only exorcise and curse me, or slay yourselves in bacchantic madness before my altar. And if ever one of you has had the courage to kiss my red mouth, he makes a barefoot pilgrimage to Rome in penitential robes and expects flowers to grow from his withered staff, while under my feet roses, violets, and myrtles spring up every hour, but their fragrance does not agree with you. Stay among your northern fogs and Christian incense; let us pagans remain under the debris, beneath the lava; do not disinter us. Pompeii was not built for you, nor our villas, our baths, our temples. You do not require gods. We are chilled in your world."

The beautiful marble woman coughed, and drew the dark sables still closer about her shoulders.

"Much obliged for the classical lesson," I replied, "but you cannot deny, that man and woman are mortal enemies, in your serene sunlit world as well as in our foggy one. In love there is union into a single being for a short time only, capable of only one thought, one sensation, one will, in order to be then further disunited. And you know this better than I; whichever of the two fails to subjugate will soon feel the feet of the other on his neck—"

"And as a rule the man that of the woman," cried Madame Venus with proud mockery, "which you know better than I."

"Of course, and that is why I don't have any illusions."

"You mean you are now my slave without illusions, and for that reason you shall feel the weight of my foot without mercy."


"Don't you know me yet? Yes, I am cruel—since you take so much delight in that word-and am I not entitled to be so? Man is the one who desires, woman the one who is desired. This is woman's entire but decisive advantage. Through his passion nature has given man into woman's hands, and the woman who does not know how to make him her subject, her slave, her toy, and how to betray him with a smile in the end is not wise."

"Exactly your principles," I interrupted angrily.

"They are based on the experience of thousands of years," she replied ironically, while her white fingers played over the dark fur. "The more devoted a woman shows herself, the sooner the man sobers down and becomes domineering. The more cruelly she treats him and the more faithless she is, the worse she uses him, the more wantonly she plays with him, the less pity she shows him, by so much the more will she increase his desire, be loved, worshipped by him. So it has always been, since the time of Helen and Delilah, down to Catherine the Second and Lola Montez."

"I cannot deny," I said, "that nothing will attract a man more than the picture of a beautiful, passionate, cruel, and despotic woman who wantonly changes her favorites without scruple in accordance with her whim—"

"And in addition wears furs," exclaimed the divinity.

"What do you mean by that?"

"I know your predilection."

"Do you know," I interrupted, "that, since we last saw each other, you have grown very coquettish."

"In what way, may I ask?"

"In that there is no way of accentuating your white body to greater advantage than by these dark furs, and that—"

The divinity laughed.

"You are dreaming," she cried, "wake up!" and she clasped my arm with her marble-white hand. "Do wake up," she repeated raucously with the low register of her voice. I opened my eyes with difficulty.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3407 May 2, 2014
I saw the hand which shook me, and suddenly it was brown as bronze; the voice was the thick alcoholic voice of my cossack servant who stood before me at his full height of nearly six feet.

"Do get up," continued the good fellow, "it is really disgraceful."

"What is disgraceful?"

"To fall asleep in your clothes and with a book besides." He snuffed the candles which had burned down, and picked up the volume which had fallen from my hand, "with a book by"—he looked at the title page— "by Hegel. Besides it is high time you were starting for Mr. Severin's who is expecting us for tea."

"A curious dream," said Severin when I had finished. He supported his arms on his knees, resting his face in his delicate, finely veined hands, and fell to pondering.

I knew that he wouldn't move for a long time, hardly even breathe. This actually happened, but I didn't consider his behavior as in any way remarkable. I had been on terms of close friendship with him for nearly three years, and gotten used to his peculiarities. For it cannot be denied that he was peculiar, although he wasn't quite the dangerous madman that the neighborhood, or indeed the entire district of Kolomea, considered him to be. I found his personality not only interesting—and that is why many also regarded me a bit mad—but to a degree sympathetic. For a Galician nobleman and land-owner, and considering his age—he was hardly over thirty—he displayed surprising sobriety, a certain seriousness, even pedantry. He lived according to a minutely elaborated, half-philosophical, half- practical system, like clock-work; not this alone, but also by the thermometer, barometer, aerometer, hydrometer, Hippocrates, Hufeland, Plato, Kant, Knigge, and Lord Chesterfield. But at times he had violent attacks of sudden passion, and gave the impression of being about to run with his head right through a wall. At such times every one preferred to get out of his way.

While he remained silent, the fire sang in the chimney and the large venerable samovar sang; and the ancient chair in which I sat rocking to and fro smoking my cigar, and the cricket in the old walls sang too. I let my eyes glide over the curious apparatus, skeletons of animals, stuffed birds, globes, plaster-casts, with which his room was heaped full, until by chance my glance remained fixed on a picture which I had seen often enough before. But to-day, under the reflected red glow of the fire, it made an indescribable impression on me.

It was a large oil painting, done in the robust full-bodied manner of the Belgian school. Its subject was strange enough.

A beautiful woman with a radiant smile upon her face, with abundant hair tied into a classical knot, on which white powder lay like a soft hoarfrost, was resting on an ottoman, supported on her left arm. She was nude in her dark furs. Her right hand played with a lash, while her bare foot rested carelessly on a man, lying before her like a slave, like a dog. In the sharply outlined, but well-formed linaments of this man lay brooding melancholy and passionate devotion; he looked up to her with the ecstatic burning eye of a martyr. This man, the footstool for her feet, was Severin, but beardless, and, it seemed, some ten years younger.

"Venus in Furs," I cried, pointing to the picture. "That is the way I saw her in my dream."

"I, too," said Severin, "only I dreamed my dream with open eyes."


"It is a tiresome story."

"Your picture apparently suggested my dream," I continued. "But do tell me what it means. I can imagine that it played a role in your life, and perhaps a very decisive one. But the details I can only get from you."

"Look at its counterpart," replied my strange friend, without heeding my question.

The counterpart was an excellent copy of Titian's well-known "Venus with the Mirror" in the Dresden Gallery.

"And what is the significance?"

Severin rose and pointed with his finger at the fur with which Titian garbed his goddess of love.
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3408 May 2, 2014
"It, too, is a 'Venus in Furs,'" he said with a slight smile. "I don't believe that the old Venetian had any secondary intention. He simply painted the portrait of some aristocratic Mesalina, and was tactful enough to let Cupid hold the mirror in which she tests her majestic allure with cold satisfaction. He looks as though his task were becoming burdensome enough. The picture is painted flattery. Later an 'expert' in the Rococo period baptized the lady with the name of Venus. The furs of the despot in which Titian's fair model wrapped herself, probably more for fear of a cold than out of modesty, have become a symbol of the tyranny and cruelty that constitute woman's essence and her beauty.

"But enough of that. The picture, as it now exists, is a bitter satire on our love. Venus in this abstract North, in this icy Christian world, has to creep into huge black furs so as not to catch cold—"

Severin laughed, and lighted a fresh cigarette.

Just then the door opened and an attractive, stoutish, blonde girl entered. She had wise, kindly eyes, was dressed in black silk, and brought us cold meat and eggs with our tea. Severin took one of the latter, and decapitated it with his knife.

"Didn't I tell you that I want them soft-boiled?" he cried with a violence that made the young woman tremble.

"But my dear Sevtchu—" she said timidly.

"Sevtchu, nothing," he yelled, "you are to obey, obey, do you understand?" and he tore the kantchuk [1] which was hanging beside the weapons from its hook.

The woman fled from the chamber quickly and timidly like a doe.

"Just wait, I'll get you yet," he called after her.

"But Severin," I said placing my hand on his arm, "how can you treat a pretty young woman thus?"

"Look at the woman," he replied, blinking humorously with his eyes. "Had I flattered her, she would have cast the noose around my neck, but now, when I bring her up with the kantchuk, she adores me."


"Nonsense, nothing, that is the way you have to break in women."

"Well, if you like it, live like a pasha in your harem, but don't lay down theories for me—"

"Why not," he said animatedly. "Goethe's 'you must be hammer or anvil' is absolutely appropriate to the relation between man and woman. Didn't Lady Venus in your dream prove that to you? Woman's power lies in man's passion, and she knows how to use it, if man doesn't understand himself. He has only one choice: to be the tyrant over or the slave of woman. As soon as he gives in, his neck is under the yoke, and the lash will soon fall upon him."

"Strange maxims!"

"Not maxims, but experiences," he replied, nodding his head, "I have actually felt the lash. I am cured. Do you care to know how?"

He rose, and got a small manuscript from his massive desk, and put it in front of me.

"You have already asked about the picture. I have long owed you an explanation. Here—read!"

Severin sat down by the chimney with his back toward me, and seemed to dream with open eyes. Silence had fallen again, and again the fire sang in the chimney, and the samovar and the cricket in the old walls. I opened the manuscript and read:


The margin of the manuscript bore as motto a variation of the well- known lines from Faust:

"Thou supersensual sensual woer
A woman leads you by the nose."
Kate Carraway

New York, NY

#3409 May 2, 2014
I turned the title-page and read: "What follows has been compiled from my diary of that period, because it is impossible ever frankly to write of one's past, but in this way everything retains its fresh colors, the colors of the present."

Gogol, the Russian Moliere, says—where? well, somewhere—"the real comic muse is the one under whose laughing mask tears roll down."

A wonderful saying.

So I have a very curious feeling as I am writing all this down. The atmosphere seems filled with a stimulating fragrance of flowers, which overcomes me and gives me a headache. The smoke of the fireplace curls and condenses into figures, small gray-bearded kokolds that mockingly point their finger at me. Chubby-cheeked cupids ride on the arms of my chair and on my knees. I have to smile involuntarily, even laugh aloud, as I am writing down my adventures. Yet I am not writing with ordinary ink, but with red blood that drips from my heart. All its wounds long scarred over have opened and it throbs and hurts, and now and then a tear falls on the paper.

The days creep along sluggishly in the little Carpathian health- resort. You see no one, and no one sees you. It is boring enough to write idyls. I would have leisure here to supply a whole gallery of paintings, furnish a theater with new pieces for an entire season, a dozen virtuosos with concertos, trios, and duos, but—what am I saying—the upshot of it all is that I don't do much more than to stretch the canvas, smooth the bow, line the scores. For I am—no false modesty, Friend Severin; you can lie to others, but you don't quite succeed any longer in lying to yourself—I am nothing but a dilettante, a dilettante in painting, in poetry, in music, and several other of the so-called unprofitable arts, which, however, at present secure for their masters the income of a cabinet minister, or even that of a minor potentate. Above all else I am a dilettante in life.

Up to the present I have lived as I have painted and written poetry. I never got far beyond the preparation, the plan, the first act, the first stanza. There are people like that who begin everything, and never finish anything. I am such a one.

But what am I saying?

To the business in hand.

I lie in my window, and the miserable little town, which fills me with despondency, really seems infinitely full of poetry. How wonderful the outlook upon the blue wall of high mountains interwoven with golden sunlight; mountain-torrents weave through them like ribbons of silver! How clear and blue the heavens into which snowcapped crags project; how green and fresh the forested slopes; the meadows on which small herds graze, down to the yellow billows of grain where reapers stand and bend over and rise up again.

The house in which I live stands in a sort of park, or forest, or wilderness, whatever one wants to call it, and is very solitary.

Its sole inhabitants are myself, a widow from Lemberg, and Madame Tartakovska, who runs the house, a little old woman, who grows older and smaller each day. There are also an old dog that limps on one leg, and a young cat that continually plays with a ball of yarn. This ball of yarn, I believe, belongs to the widow.

She is said to be really beautiful, this widow, still very young, twenty-four at the most, and very rich. She dwells in the first story, and I on the ground floor. She always keeps the green blinds drawn, and has a balcony entirely overgrown with green climbing- plants. I for my part down below have a comfortable, intimate arbor of honeysuckle, in which I read and write and paint and sing like a bird among the twigs. I can look up on the balcony. Sometimes I actually do so, and then from time to time a white gown gleams between the dense green network.

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